淺析青年旅舍在中國旅游市場的發(fā)展現(xiàn)狀和趨勢畢業(yè)論文正式稿.doc

中國旅游業(yè)門戶網(wǎng)站邁點網(wǎng)，研究員，黃嫻，/IndustryReport/2010-3-22/1032257312.shtml國際青年旅舍在中國的發(fā)展方向中圖分類號F590文獻(xiàn)標(biāo)識碼A文章編號10025006（2001）01003107 （看世界 2007年第5期 文章國際青年旅舍：商業(yè)旅游時代一張?zhí)亓ⅹ毿械奈幕?核心家庭指以婚姻為基礎(chǔ)，父母與未婚子女共同居住，核心家庭的成員只有夫妻兩人及其未婚子女。(信息來源：YHAchina國際青年旅舍中國網(wǎng)站/topic.php?channelID=1&topicID=8)（數(shù)據(jù)來源：魅力三角，廣東旅游出版社，1999）Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 29, No. 1, pp. 144164, 2002 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.Printed in Great B/locate/atoures 0160-7383/01/$22.00PII: S0160-7383(01)00030-5BACKPACKER TOURISM ANDTHIRD WORLD DEVELOPMENTRegina ScheyvensMassey University, New ZealandAbstract: Third World governments often scorn international backpackers, professing instead an enthusiasm for pursuing higher-value, luxury tourism. This article presents an alternative perspective, elaborating upon ways that providing goods and services for backpackers can promote development, especially at the local level. Several challenges will need to be addressed, however, if such communities are to have some control over the backpacker submarket and maximize the benefits they gain from it. Such challenges include overcoming the self-centered attitudes of some backpackers who might behave irresponsibly, and encouraging Third World governments to establish a policy environment and effective infrastructure which support community involvement in this form of tourism. Keywords: Backpackers, budget, Third World, development.INTRODUCTIONAlmost wherever it is viable, Third World governments are actively pursuing tourism growth in their countries. They are particularly interested in international tourism (Harrison 1992), believing it brings their countries numerous economic benefits including employment opportunities, small business development, and foreign exchange earnings. They tend to assume that more money is earned by attracting tourists who can afford luxury goods and services, despite the fact that this often leads to a countrys dependence on imported products, foreign investment, and expatriate skills, resulting in repatriation of resultant profits (Baskin 1995). But those financial benefits received from luxury tourism developments in the Third World very rarely “trickle down” to be of any significance to people at grassroots level. While a number of academics have noted this problem, thoroughly critiquing forms of tourism development dominated by overseas investors (Britton 1982; Brohman 1996), they have rarely proposed support for alternative forms of tourism based on the village economy (Brown1998). The presumption that high-spending tourists bring the greatest benefits to Third World countries is questioned in this paper. Instead, it argues how local communities in the Third World might benefit from involvement in budget tourism. In particular, the often maligned backpacker market segment is considered. The academic literature provides clues as to how the backpacker segment can be described. This submarket is characterized by budget consciousness and a flexible tourism style, with most participants traveling alone or in small groups. Backpackers are often keen to share the local lifestyle (Loker 1993:33), citing “meeting the people” as a key motivation (Riley 1988:325). Their recreational activities are likely to focus around nature (such as trekking), culture (village stays and more), or adventure (including river rafting or riding camels) (Loker- Murphy and Pearce 1995). This is associated with the tendency for backpackers to travel more widely than other tourists, seeking unusual or out of the way locations and/or experiences (Haigh 1995). According to Riley, “the less traveled route and more difficult way of getting there has a high degree of mystique and status conferral” (1988:321). The tight budget many backpackers impose on themselves is largely related to the longer duration of their travels (Gibbons and Selvarajah 1994). As Cohen warns, however, one could be misled by the idealized image of the backpacker (or “youth tourists” in his study of southern Thailand beaches) “as a curious and adventurous traveler in search of authentic experiences” (1982:221). Perhaps because of its association with the “hippy” and “drifter” tourism of the 60s and 70s, the backpacker segment of the tourism market has not always been welcomed by Third World regional or national governments (Cohen 1973; Erb 2000; Hall 1997; Hampton 1998; Loker-Murphy and Pearce 1995). Much credence has been given to the stereotypical image of the backpacker as an unkempt, immoral, drug-taking individual. In Southeast Asia, the interest paid by most government planners to the backpacker sector is either negligible or negative. According to Hampton, this “sector is at best tacitly ignored, or at worst actively discouraged in official tourism planning” (1998:640). Independent travelers (hereafter tourists)who include backpackersare actively discouraged in the Maldives (Lyon 1997), and have been banned completely in Bhutan as they are seen as posing a threat to the countrys gross national happiness, with only approved tour parties allowed (Wood and House 1991). Meanwhile in Goa, the Director of Tourism believes that “Luxury tourism was the way forward. Hippies and backpackers do not bring in enough money” (cited in Wilson 1997:68). Similarly, efforts to attract tourists in southern Africa are centered on organized mass international tourists who have travel arrangements made for them (Baskin 1995). In some cases, government interest in discouraging backpackers and other budget tourists has been translated into policy. For example, government policy in Botswana states: Foreign tourists who spend much of their time but little of their money in Botswana are of little net benefit to the country. Indeed, they are almost certainly a net loss because they crowd the available public facilities such as roads and camp sites and cause environmental damage . It is important to shift the mix of tourists away from those who are casual campers towards those who occupy permanent accommodation. Encouraging the latter while discouraging the former through targeted marketing and the imposition of higher fees for the use of public facilities, are obviously among the objectives to be pursued While denigrating budget tourists, this policy aims simultaneously to “provide local communities with direct and indirect benefits from tourism activities”, without specifically considering whether it is realistic for impoverished rural communities to cater for higher end tourists. Local communities do not usually have the skills, experience, or resources to provide services for luxury tourists. In many cases, therefore, such communities miss out completely on the benefits of tourism ventures in their own backyards. In order to ensure a strong likelihood of economic, political, and social benefits accruing to a local community, Ashley and Roestress the need for full participation of communities in tourism.This can occur where communities supply the majority of goodsand services to tourists, have considerable input into planning decisions, and collectively manage common resources. When tourism ventures are largely dependent on local cultural and natural resources, and are locally managed, communities can “participate with equity in the tourism process” This paper will argue that such conditions are more likely to be present when communities target the needs of budget tourists, especially the significant backpacker segment.BACKPACKERS AND LOCAL DEVELOPMENTThis paper considers both pros and cons of backpacker tourism in terms of whether it promotes local level development. It provides a review of the literature on this general research theme while also drawing on the authors backpacking experiences through Asia in 1989 90, and more recent fieldwork on related issues of sustainable livelihoods in southern Africa and the South Pacific.Reservations About BackpackersBefore considering ways in which catering to the backpacker segment can promote local development, the discussion raises some concerns about backpackers rather than assuming that they are an inherently desirable submarket. The very tenets of backpacker culture, including the independent nature of backpacker travel and their cultural sensitivity, have been questioned, both in academic writing and popular fiction. For example, the filming in Thailand of one of the novels discussed below, The Beach, starring Hollywood golden boy Leonardo DiCaprio, has sparked numerous discussion sites on the internet and a torrent of media interest in backpacking, particularly focusing on undesirable traits of backpackers. Similarly, when the London- based nongovernmental organization, Tourism Concern, addressed them in a special issue of their magazine, In Focus (Spring 1999), the British press were quick to pick up upon negative aspects backpacker culture. One criticism of backpackers is that, in ensuring that their funds will last for the duration of their travels, they become excessively concerned with bargain hunting (Goodwin, Kent, Parker and Walpole 1998). They may regard haggling as a game, to the extent that they exploit artisans and traders so desperate for a sale that they accept unreasonably low prices for their products (Bradt 1995). According to Riley “Status among travelers is closely tied to living cheaply and obtaining the best bargains which serve as indicators that one is an experienced traveler”. Budi, an experienced tour guide, argues that the average independent tourist to Indonesia has changed somewhat in recent years: Now tourists are going to Indonesia not to see the culture or the people, but to compete with other travelers about how cheaply they can travel. They all want to be the winner, and dont realize how rude they are to local people (cited in Wheat 1995:50). While in the past the tendency for backpackers to seek out more intensive contact with local people has generally been posed in a positive light, some commentators have recognized that such “alternative” tourism forms are also more invasive (Butler 1990). Because they seek “out of the way” destinations, Spreitzhofer argues, the influence of backpackers on Third World societies “ proves often to be more lasting and shaping than organized, spatially selective package tourism”. Furthermore, their very search for authentic experiences is based on exclusion of other tourists (Jamieson 1996), which is why Mowforth and Munt suggest that backpackers can be included in the category of the self-centered tourists they call “ego-tourists”. Possibly, backpackers more lasting influence will involve the problem of seeking out new destinations but failing to understand cultural norms of appropriate behavior in these new locales . Some suggest that backpackers simply do not care about local customs and acceptable behavior, instead showing blatant disregard for social norms (Noronha 1999). Acting out their perceived freedom from social commitments and constraints (Jamieson 1996) may lead then to culturally and socially inappropriate behavior. This seems to be a problem particularly in backpacker ghettos or enclaves. Such places can be found in Khatmandu, Bangkok, and Pushkar, major points of reference on the great backpackers overland route through Asia. There is increasing evidence that such ghettos are now emerging outside of the Asian region as well (Aziz 1999). As one guesthouse manager stated, “The Indian tourists that visit Pushkar have a holy respect for the place, but the foreigners just treat the place as a fun theme park. They drink and smoke in the temples and show no respect”. Scanty or excessively casual dress, drug and alcohol abuse, and casual sexual encounters can all cause insult to local residents, whose reliance on income from tourism often leads them to tolerate what they feel is outright denigration of their customs.自助游和第三世界的發(fā)展第三世界國家的政府往往輕視國際背包客，他們更愿意追求更高價值、更奢華的旅游。本文從另外一種角度，介紹了怎樣為背包客提供產(chǎn)品和服務(wù)可以促進(jìn)旅游經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展，尤其在地方一級。對于發(fā)展自助游，我們未來的確需要一些挑戰(zhàn)，但是前提是這些相關(guān)的地方要在背包客微型市場和商家所從中活得的最大利益上做出一定的控制。這些挑戰(zhàn)包括：克服一些由于那些不負(fù)責(zé)任的背包客以自我為中心的態(tài)度，鼓勵第三世界國家的政府建立一個有效的政策環(huán)境和一定的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施來支持這種旅游形式參與社區(qū)活動。關(guān)鍵詞：背包客，預(yù)算，第三世界，發(fā)展。幾乎在任何一個地方都是這樣的，第三世界各國政府也在積極地追求各自國家旅游業(yè)的發(fā)展。他們對于國際旅游非常有興趣（哈里森1992），認(rèn)為這會為許多國家?guī)戆ň蜆I(yè)機(jī)會，小企業(yè)的發(fā)展和外匯收入等等的經(jīng)濟(jì)利益。他們往往把創(chuàng)匯的希望寄托在吸引旅游者可以負(fù)擔(dān)奢侈品和服務(wù)，盡管這常常導(dǎo)致一個國家對于進(jìn)口商品、國外投資和外籍技術(shù)人員的過度依賴，其結(jié)果導(dǎo)致了最終利潤的遣返（巴斯金1995）。但是那些從奢侈旅游上獲得的好處對于第三世界國家來講卻很少以滴入式經(jīng)濟(jì)的方式令基層民眾受惠。雖然一些學(xué)者已經(jīng)注意到了這個問題，徹底批判了海外投資者為主的旅游發(fā)展形式（布里頓1982；布霍曼1996），但是他們卻很少提出建立在鄉(xiāng)村旅游基礎(chǔ)上的各種不同新式的旅游經(jīng)濟(jì)形式（布朗1998）。關(guān)于高消費的游客會對第三世界國家的經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展帶大利益的這一推論在此文中受到質(zhì)疑，與此相反，本文認(rèn)為第三世界的地方政府可能在參與預(yù)算旅游中受益，特別是在被看低的自助游市場上。學(xué)術(shù)文獻(xiàn)提供的線索描述了如何是背包族。這個市場的特點是細(xì)致入微的預(yù)算，靈活的旅游方式，多數(shù)人會選擇單獨或者小群體旅行。背包客往往熱衷于享受旅游目的地當(dāng)?shù)氐纳罘绞剑蹇?993:33），以“閱人”作為關(guān)鍵的動機(jī)（萊利1988:325）。他們的休閑活動可能更關(guān)注于自然（比如徒步旅行），文化（鄉(xiāng)村住宿等）或者冒險（包括漂流或乘坐駱駝）（洛克，墨菲和皮爾斯1995）。相比于其他的旅行者，背包客在旅行上有更廣泛的發(fā)展空間，比如尋求不同尋常的旅游目的地和旅游經(jīng)歷（黑格995）。萊利說，“越少人走的路線，越困難的方式則會令人活得越高的神秘感和征服后的成就感?！焙芏啾嘲吐暦Q預(yù)算緊張大部分是因為他們的旅行是更長時間更長路途的旅行。正如科恩所告誡的那樣，盡管如此，人們也不能誤認(rèn)為背包客的理想主義者的形象就是作為一個好奇勇于冒險的旅行者對于“真實”經(jīng)歷的追尋（或在他關(guān)于泰國南海岸的研究中所提到的“年輕旅行者”)（1982:221）。也許是因為它總與“嬉皮士”和“流浪”旅行有關(guān)，60年代和70年代，在旅游市場中背包客這一群體總是在第三世界地區(qū)或者國家政府不受歡迎。大部分人都賦予了一個背包客蓬頭垢面，不道德、吸毒者的形象。在東南亞，政府規(guī)劃部門對于背包客所持付的利息或者是忽略不計或者不放入明帳。據(jù)漢普頓說，這種部門充其量是在默許忽視，或在最壞地積極勸阻官方旅游規(guī)劃。獨立旅行者（以下簡稱旅行者）包括背包客已經(jīng)被不鼓勵去馬爾代夫旅行，并被完全禁止出現(xiàn)在不丹，因為他們被認(rèn)為是對當(dāng)?shù)鼐用裥腋５膰?yán)重威脅，除非得到當(dāng)?shù)芈糜尉值姆判型狻Ｅc此同時，國奧的旅游局局長認(rèn)為，“豪華游是未來旅游業(yè)的發(fā)展方向，嬉皮士和背包客身上沒有足夠的錢好賺?！蓖瑯拥模ξ慰驮谀戏堑摹?46個背包客和旅游發(fā)展”的活動也是基于組織大規(guī)模的國際游客為目的。在某些情況下，政府把限制背包客和其他的預(yù)算旅游者已經(jīng)制成了政策。比如，在博茨瓦納政府的政策中規(guī)定：那些在博茨瓦納花費大量時間但是很少金錢的外國旅行者對于國家?guī)缀鯖]什么經(jīng)濟(jì)貢獻(xiàn)。事實上他們幾乎肯定會出現(xiàn)經(jīng)虧損，因為他們現(xiàn)有的人民就已經(jīng)造成了環(huán)境公共設(shè)施的破壞，比如公路和營地，同時也造成了自然環(huán)境的破壞。重要的其實是那些與游客混雜在一起的長期霸占休閑露營的人。通過有針對性的營銷和對于公共設(shè)施征收的較高的費用，縱容后者而限制前者，顯然是其追求的目的。在輕視預(yù)算旅游者的同時，這一政策卻犯了這樣的錯誤，“希望通過旅游活動給當(dāng)?shù)靥峁┲苯踊蜷g接的利益”，但是卻沒有為貧困農(nóng)村的現(xiàn)實考慮到當(dāng)?shù)厥欠裼锌赡転楦叨擞慰吞峁┫鄳?yīng)的技能、經(jīng)驗或者旅游資源。因此，在很多情況下，這些地方完全錯在旅游企業(yè)的利益其實是在他們自己的后院中。為了確保一個經(jīng)濟(jì)，政治和累積到一個地方的社會福利的可靠的可